Tuesday, 12 May 2015

Quotes and analysis of them from the narrative

This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable.
Equiano, 58
Equiano's writing on the Middle Passage is the section of the work most likely to end up in anthologies for history and literature classes. It is a profoundly evocative and devastating account of one of the most terrible events in human history: the forcible removal of millions of Africans from their home, and their subsequent transportation across the Atlantic in slave ships, under the most abominable and hellish conditions imaginable. Slaves were chained to the hold and had to perform their bodily functions while chained. Excrement and refuse were everywhere, and the air was heavy with noxious, harmful smells. There was no privacy, even for women and girls. Slaves could not move about, and barely escaped without their limbs atrophying. They rarely had enough to eat or drink, and would grow sick in droves. The cries of pain, terror, and grief filled the air at all times. Many had no idea why they were there, and were frightened of the white faces on the ship. Individuals were severed from their families and thrust together with strangers whose languages they could not speak. Many were beaten mercilessly. It was so terrible that many slaves wished for death, but even this was rarely possible by one's own volition. Equiano's account is a valuable source for examining the realities of the slave system, for its evocative writing and historical perspective....I thought I could plainly trace the hand of God, without whose permission a sparrow cannot fall. I began to raise my fear from man to him alone, and to call daily on his holy name with fear and reverence: and I trust he heard my supplications, and graciously condescended to answer me according to his holy word, and to implant the seeds of piety in me, even one of the meanest of his creatures.
Equiano, 88
In this quote, Equiano reveals the depth of his spirituality, and the extent to which he attributes the circumstances of life to a deity. Equiano claimed that he was born in Africa and practiced the religion of the Eboe land in which he was raised. That religion was not too different in its tenets and practices than that of the Jews, but Equiano soon learned about Christianity. Even before he converted, Equiano grew sensible of a God that existed and was aware of him. He often prayed and tried to order his behavior along Christian teachings, even believing himself to have offended God when Pascal sold him to Captain Doran. He began to notice how white men did not behave according to the precepts of their religion, and noted the events of his life that seemed to suggest a God was looking out for him. The fact that Equiano was owned largely by benevolent men assures him of God's presence. Equiano is even baptized in 1759, although his conversion later in his life was a more profoundly impactful event in his spiritual growth. Religion thus permeates the text and is an important component in Equiano's attainment of selfhood and identity.
These overseers are indeed for the most part persons of the worst character of any denomination of men in the West Indies. Unfortunately, many humane gentlemen, by not residing on their estates, are obliged to leave the management of them in the hands of these human butchers, who cut and mangle the slaves in a shocking manner on the most trifling occasions, and altogether treat them in every respect like brutes.
Equiano, 105
This quote introduces the worst of the worst offenders towards Africans - the cruel overseers of the cruel West Indies. The West Indies featured some of the most brutal episodes of slavery, and was famed for the strictness and harshness of its Barbados slave code. The sugar plantations required many slaves to work the land, and Equiano estimated that the difficulty of the work, coupled with the ill treatment by the overseers, led to an average lifespan of only sixteen years on the islands. He detailed some of the ways in which slaves were violated and abused, and here focuses on the monstrous behavior of the overseers. These white men felt the need to exercise the most arbitrary and absolute power over their slaves, devising harsh punishments and denying them every opportunity for redress or resolution. Equiano marvels that these men deigned to call themselves Christians, as their behavior was clearly contrary to the teachings of the Scriptures. Thankfully, Equiano did not have to spend all of his years as a slave in these hot, deadly climes. However, after becoming a free man, he does accept a position as an overseer of Dr. Irving's Jamaica plantation. He does not exercise the same sort of cruelty as the white men did, but many readers of the work are critical of Equiano's choice. Only by considering the work within its historical context do Equiano's actions seem less reprehensible.


But is not the slave trade entirely a war with the heart of man? And surely that which is begun by breaking down the barriers of virtue involves in its continuance destruction to every principle, and buries all sentiments in ruin!
Equiano, 110

The purpose of Equiano's Narrative was to provide a thorough indictment of the slave trade and to thereby compel the British government to abolish it. It is not a mere autobiography, but also a polemic, a political document, a call to action. Although Equiano mostly makes his point indirectly through relating the events of his life, he nonetheless succeeds in pricking consciences and questioning England's commitment to democracy, liberty, and equality. Here, he offers a striking rhetorical assault against slavery, concluding that it is incompatible with virtue, morality, and biblical teachings. The elevation of white man over black was something God never intended, and the relationship is harmful to both parties. The slave trade corrupted morality and virtue. Equiano goes further by claiming that the white man was responsible for inculcating deleterious values and behavior in their slaves, and that they had no right to be surprised when their slaves acted badly. Equiano laments the fact that, if only slaves were treated like human beings, their owners would have no cause to fear them.



What makes Equiano's Narritive different from the others.

COMMON THREADS IN SLAVE NARRATIVES
*  appeal to the audience's emotions in the form of a direct address (particular tendency to appeal to a Christian audience) *  vivid description of the violence of slavery -- includes beatings
*  reality of sexual abuse (particularly of innocent females)
*  separation of family and disregard for slave marriages -- contradiction of racial stereotypes of the period
*  dishonest owners who regularly promise freedom and then disregard their promises vs. kind, honest whites 
*  slave's desire for freedom and education --contradiction of racial stereotypes of the period
*  stories detailing the impact of slavery on the humanity of slaves and their owners 
*  success stories that inspire
drawing of a chained slave
chain links divider barDIRECT APPEAL TO CHRISTIAN SENSIBILITY -- "O, ye nominal Christians! might not an African ask you-- Learned you this from your God, who says unto you, Do unto all men as you would men should do unto you?  Is it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends to toil for your luxury and lust of grain?  Must every tender feeling be likewise sacrificed to your avarice?  Are the dearest friends and relations, now rendered more dear by their separation from their kindred, still to be parted from each other . . . Why are parents to lose their children, brothers their sisters, or husbands their wives?  Surely this is a new refinement in cruelty . . . " ( 763 -4).  This direct address asks the audience to think about the horrors of slavery both as Christians and people with families and friends.  A dual appeal was common in slave narratives because the author is fully aware of the prejudices and values of  his or her audience.  Africans were viewed as beasts by much of society, but this type of rhetoric forces the white audience to think about the feelings expressed by this "beast."  He doesn't sound uncivilized or uncaring about family ties.  He doesn't seem immoral and lacking in coherent thought.  He is not what the stereotype says he should be, and this could be very disturbing to a society that depended on its ability to rationalize slavery by dehumanizing the slaves.  
Equiano also relies on his Christianity to give him the strength to survive his ordeal, telling himself that he will be free if and when God wills it.
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VIVID DESCRIPTION OF CRUELTY AND VIOLENCE -- 
Equiano describes the Middle Passage as a hellish period, providing details about the horrific conditions on the slave ship that killed thousands of slaves before they reached the shores of their new homeslave wearing an iron muzzle.  Equiano's mention of the slave woman wearing the muzzle is brief, and his reaction is straightforward ("I was much shocked and astonished . . ."), but the purpose is clear.  How can a civilized audience hear of such atrocities and not be equally shocked and horrified?  He mentions the daily starvation and suffering of other slaves; he speaks of dreadful punishments (men are beaten, burned, hanged, and "staked to the ground, and cut most shockingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit" - 773). Equiano imagines the effect of these details on his audience, and thus, he begins chapter 6 by informing the reader that he will not spend any more time detailing the torture of slaves "so frequent, and so well known . . . that it cannot any longer afford novelty to recite them" (774). 
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SEXUAL ABUSE OF INNOCENT FEMALE SLAVES -- One of the most poignant moments of Equiano's narrative is his separation from his beloved sister.  And although this moment is important for its emotional appeal, Equiano also uses this circumstance to make a statement about the possible fates awaiting his innocent sister.  Of course, she could die from any number of diseases, but another concern is that her "innocence and virtues" may have "fallen victims to the violence of the African trader" (758).  When placed in the context of his anguish about his inability to protect his sister, this uncertainty magnifies Equiano's pain, a realistic pain that his audience is forced to confront.  He mentions the "violent depredations on the chastity of female slaves" that he has witnessed and questions the logic that makes it a crime for a black man and a white women to have consensual sex but allows "whites to rob an innocent African girl of her virtue" (773).  The sexual danger to a woman who is also a piece of property is obvious.
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CONTRAST BETWEEN WHITE CHARACTERS -- Equiano provides a listing of owners and makes it clear that he feels indebted to the whites who practiced Christian kindness and helped him to learn valuable skills, allowed him to take advantage of business opportunities, and introduced him to Christ.  Equiano catalogues several white friends whom he considered instrumental to his character development.   Richard Baker befriended Equiano and helped him adjust to a new culture and language; he was a man '"Who was not ashamed to notice, to associate with, and to be a friend and instructor of one who was ignorant, a stranger, of a different complexion, and a slave" (766).   The Miss Guerins taught him to read and arranged Equiano's baptism.  Daniel Queen taught him to read from the Bible.  Robert King taught him invaluable sailing skills, treated Equiano and his other slaves kindly, and eventually fulfilled his promise and allowed Equiano to buy his freedom.  Thomas Farmer nursed Equiano back to health when he was beaten by cruel white men and played an instrumental role in King's decision to allow Equiano his freedom.  To provide a contrast to this list of good whites, Equiano also tells of the cruel Dr. Perkins who nearly beat him to death because he didn't like "to see strange negroes in his yard" (782).    Although Equiano gives us plenty of examples of cruel slave owners and kind slave owners, he only provides us with one personal example of an owner who promised him freedom and then sold him:  Daniel Queen, the man who taught him to read from the Bible and told him that he was "as free as himself, or any other man on board" (769).  But even this dishonest act is played down a bit when Equiano later learned that Queen asked that he be sold to the best possible master because he "was a very deserving boy" (770). 
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DESIRE FOR FREEDOM AND EDUCATION -- From the moment of his capture, Equiano longs to be free, and soon "education and freedom" are his daily mantra.  He takes what he can from the people around him, picking up new dialects and languages while still in Africa and learning everything possible about sailing, reading, and religion from his captors.  He begins to trade small quantities of imported goods to raise money with which to purchase his freedom, telling his friend that "life had lost its relish when liberty was gone" (777).  When he secures the necessary forty pounds and is eventually allowed to purchase his freedom, he describes his feelings in rapturous terms:  " . . .who could do justice to my feelings at this moment!  Not conquering heroes themselves, in the midst of a triumph -- Not the tender mother who has just regained her lost infant, and presses it to her heart -- Not the weary, hungry, mariner, at the sight of the desired friendly port --Not the lover, when he once more embraces his beloved mistress, after she has been ravished from his arms!  All within my breast was tumult, wildness, and delirium!  My feet scarcely touched the ground, for they were winged with joy . . " (785).
And this could be the end of Equiano's slave narrative and the beginning of his autobiography as a free man of color, but he chooses to provide his readers with the words of his manumission papers as it "has something peculiar in it, and expresses the absolute power and dominion one man claims over his fellow" (785).  Why does he end on this note?  Hasn't he achieved his ultimate goal?  On paper, perhaps, but if we recall the tale of Joseph Clipson, the mulatto man who was carried away into slavery even though he had been born a free man, and Equiano's reaction to Clipson's abduction:  "Hitherto I had thought slavery only dreadful, but the state of a free negro appeared to me now equally so, and in some respects even worse, for they live in constant alarm for their liberty . . .a mockery of freedom" (779).  Does his piece of paper protect Equiano from the institution of slavery?  
INSPIRATIONAL SUCCESS STORIES -- Equiano himself is the biggest source of inspiration in his tale.  In what has often been termed the African version of Franklin's American Dream success stories, this freed slave epitomizes everything espoused by Franklin as necessary for success:  moral character, religious faith, hard work, and determination.  
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Monday, 11 May 2015

I believe that Equiano's autobiography "The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa", is a genuine account from hom being a African ex-slave, but I also believe that he wanted to gain some political purpose from his autobiography. as an ex-slave he wanted to tell his story of what and how he lived and survived during the slave trade era, but being in this era he wanted to make changes in the way of abolishing the slave trade, therefore using his autobiography as a voice against the bad political state he was living in at the time. with that being said I do not believe that he invented his African status to speak up against the political system, merely used his story as an African ex-slave as a voice.

The Baptisim issue!

Hugh Thomas gives important insight that slaves were either baptized before they were branded or after being sold to their masters. This evidence strongly suggests that Equiano is indeed from Africa.

The
Branding
(and Baptism)
of Slaves
by hugh thomas
The Portuguese began the practice, in Arguin in the l440s, of the carimbo, the branding of a slave with a hot iron, leaving a mark in red on the shoulder, the breast, or the upper arm, so that it was evident that he or she was the property of the king of Portugal, or some other master, and that a proper duty had been paid. This procedure survived from the Middle Ages --- indeed, from antiquity: the Romans used to brand their slaves but, when Constantine the Great ruled that slaves condemned to work in mines or fight in the arena were to be marked on the hands or legs, not the face, many slave owners substituted bronze collars for branding. Each European nation during the slaving centuries had its special procedures. Thus slaves landed at São Tome were branded with a cross on the right arm in the early sixteenth century; but, later, this design was changed to a "G," the marca de Guiné. Slaves exported from Luanda were often branded not once but twice, for they had to receive the mark of the Luso-Brazilian merchants who owned them as well as the royal arms --- on the right breast --- to signify their relation to the Crown. Sometimes, baptism led to the further branding of a cross over the royal design. Slaves of the Royal Africa Company were marked, with a burning iron upon the right breast, "DY," duke of York, after the chairman of the company. In the late eighteenth century, a "G" would indicate that the slave concerned had been marked by the Compañía Gaditana, the Cádiz company concerned to import slaves into Havana in the late 1760s. Captain Thomas Phillips, an interloper, described how
    we mark'd the slaves [whom] we had bought on the breast or shoulder with a hot iron, having the ship's name on it, the place being before anointed with a little palm oil, which caused but little pain, the mark being usually well in four or five days.
The South Sea Company later branded its slaves with the distinctive mark of the port in the Spanish empire to which they were being shipped --- Cartagena, Caracas, Veracruz, and so on --- this new brand being made of gold or silver: preferably the latter, because "it made a sharper scar." That enterprise's Court of Directors in London in 1725 specified that the slaves should be marked on the
    left shoulder, heating the mark red hot and rubbing the part first with a little palm or other oil and taking off the mark pretty quick, and rubbing the place again with oil.
Willem Bosman reported of his Dutch colleagues and himself, "We take all possible care that they are not burned too hard, especially the women, who are more tender than the men." A Dutch instruction of the late eighteenth century, to the Middelburgische Kamerse Compagnie, was more specific: it insisted that,
    as you purchase slaves, you must mark them at the upper right arm with the silver mark CCN...the area of marking must first be rubbed with candle wax or oil; the marker should only be as hot as when applied to paper the paper gets hot....
The French had a similar technique:
    After discussion, the captain inscribes on a slate the merchandise for exchange, a specific officer delivers, while the bought African waits in a prison before being attached to a ring and taken to the canoe which will carry him to the ship. The surgeon stamps the slave on the right shoulder with an iron which gives him the mark of the shippers and the ship --- it will never come off (if the slave is of second rank, he is stamped on the right thigh).
In the eighteenth century, sometimes the initials of the shipper were marked, "une pipe sous le téton gauche."
A German surgeon who traveled with the Brandenburg Company's slave ship the Friedrich Wilhelm in 1693 gave one of the most vivid descriptions. He discussed carrying out his duties in Whydah: As soon as a sufficient number of the unfortunate victims were assembled,wrote Dr. Oettinger, who was from Swabia,
    they were examined by me. The healthy and strong ones were bought, while the magrones [the word was from the Portuguese magro, "weak"] --- those who had fingers or teeth missing, or were disabled --- were rejected. The slaves who had been bought then had to kneel down, twenty or thirty at a time; their right shoulder was smeared with palm oil and branded with an iron which bore the initials CABC [Churfürstlich Afrikanisch Brandenburg Compagnie]....Some of these poor people obeyed their leaders without a will of their own or any resistance....Others on the other hand howled and danced. There were... many women who filled the air with heartrending cries which could hardly be drowned by the drums, and cut me to the quick.
Pieter de Marees in 1600 reported that the Africans also branded their slaves.
By the eighteenth century, the Portuguese forbade the embarkment of any slave who had not been baptized. That had not always been so: most of the slaves taken to Portugal in the fifteenth century were not christened. That did not hinder some slaves from being received into the church afterwards, a consummation which in turn did not prevent their remaining slaves --- even if the enslavement of a Christian had been condemned by Pope Pius II. But King Manuel the Fortunate, in the early sixteenth century, ordered all masters in Portugal to baptize their slaves, on pain of losing them --- unless the slaves themselves did not want it (as was the case with the small number of Muslim slaves, mostly by then brought from West Africa). All slave children in Portugal were to be christened, whatever happened. King Manuel made it possible for black slaves in Portugal to be able to receive the sacrament from the hands of the priest of the Nossa Senhora da Conceiçãio, a church in Lisbon destroyed in the earthquake of 1755. Captains of ships could baptize slaves about to die on board their ships. This procedure was regularized by Pope Leo X, at the beginning of his pontificate, in a bull of August 1513, Eximiæ Devotionis; he also asked for a font to be built in Nossa Senhora da Conceiçãio for the baptism of slaves.
In the early seventeenth century, it became customary for slaves in Africa to be baptized before their departure from Africa. This requirement was first laid down by King Philip III of Spain (II of Portugal) in 1607 and confirmed in 1619. The slaves had, as a rule, received no instruction whatever before this ceremony, and many, perhaps most, of them had no previous indication that there was such a thing as a Christian God. So the christening was perfunctory. In Luanda, the captives would be taken to one of the six churches, or assembled in the main square. An official catechist, a slave, say, who spoke Kimbundu, the language of Luanda, would address the slaves on the nature of their Christian transformation. Then a priest would pass among the bewildered ranks, giving to each one a Christian name, which had earlier been written on a piece of paper. He would also sprinkle salt on the tongues of the slaves, and follow that with holy water. Finally, he might say, through an interpreter:
    Consider that you are now children of Christ. You are going to set off for Portuguese territory, where you will learn matters of the Faith. Never think any more of your place of origin. Do not eat dogs, nor rats, nor horses. Be content.
--- ©1997 Simon & Schuster
Carretta himself suggests that his possible birth in Carolina rather than Africa in no way diminishes the power of his testimony. Autobiography, after all, is always partly fictional, the narrator excited by storytelling, by shaping and plotting the tale and by dressing up dull facts. Equiano was African in terms of origin, he knew the horrors of the slave trade which by the 1780s were widely broadcast by white abolitionists. What he did was to take it upon himself to write the first substantial account of slavery from an African viewpoint but, as importantly, to write it with pulse and heartbeat, giving passion to the subject so as to arouse sympathy and support for the cause of abolition. With Thomas Clarkson, William Wilberforce and Granville Sharpe, Equiano was a major abolitionist, working ceaselessly to expose the nature of the shameful trade. He travelled throughout Britain with copies of his book, and thousands upon thousands attended his readings. When John Wesley lay dying, it was Equiano's book he took up to reread.
Equiano's Travels
Olaudah Equiano’s capture by slave-traders at the age of ten took him from life in what is now Eastern Nigeria and thrust him on a fateful journey that would submerge him in an incomprehensible world. He emerged a gifted writer and has provided insights into centuries of slave trading and why the relationship between black and white seems always in favor of white.

First published in 1789, Equiano’s engaging narrative, written in English, describes his life before and after his capture—looking forward to recognition as a descendant of a chief; working on slave ships; traveling to the southern states of America, the West Indies, Europe, and the Arctic; and fighting a war. He eventually grew to be an extremely confident man who, even in the worst slavery imaginable, never lost his sense of purpose or his humanity. After buying his freedom, he was an ardent supporter of abolishing slavery. Written with a sense of literary history, Equiano’s account corrects wrong impressions about Africa and explores what it is like for an African to find himself suddenly alien in a world that considers Africans as not quite human.
questions have been provided in the link below,but the answers to these questions,where do they lead you to.these questions and answers are reffered to what Equiano has written in his narrative

Sunday, 10 May 2015

Jim Egan on Equiano's authenticity

Olaudah Equiano: The Problem of Identity

Jim Egan
Brown University

When Vincent Carretta argued in “Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa? New Light on Eighteenth-Century Question of Identity” in a 1999 issue ofSlavery and Abolition that the eighteenth-century author might have been born in South Carolina rather than Africa, as Equiano himself states in The Interesting Narrative, a scholarly firestorm erupted over the question of this former slave’s place of birth. This is not the first time Equiano’s origins have been questioned. Equiano himself sought to refute claims published in late eighteenth-century English periodicals that he had been born in the West Indies. Such claims were, as Equiano himself knew, aimed at discrediting his narrative and, in the process, the abolition movement with which that narrative was associated. Carretta’s essay, on the other hand, called our attention to evidentiary matters that involve questions of interpretive theory. On what basis, after all, does one determine which instance of writing to consider authoritative when the evidence in these different kinds of sources conflict? Given the fact that Equiano’s narrative plays a crucial role in our understanding of a variety of historical, cultural, and literary issues, and given the fact that where you begin a story helps determine what you can say about that story and what work that story can do, I suppose the furor over Carretta’s claims is only to be expected. After all, is there anyone who would now deny the centrality of the slave trade in all its aspects to the emergence of the modern world? Equiano’s narrative plays a key role in such a narrative, and so his birth takes on special importance.
Equiano, the African: Biography of a Self-Made Man (University of Georgia, 2005) extends Carretta’s research on Equiano’s origins to provide the first scholarly biography in over thirty years of the man known in the Western world for most of his life as Gustavus Vassa. Biographies pose a critical problem for any engaged, thoughtful twenty-first century scholar in that they rely on a notion of identity that has been challenged by a host of critical analyses interrogating the modern emergence of the very idea of the “individual.” Carretta avoids such issues entirely here. Instead, he simply takes modern biographical conventions at face value and uses them to tell the story of Equiano’s life and the development of his distinct and particular identity. Carretta aims, it seems to me, for a more general audience. I want to assess the work, then, in relation to what I take to be his implied audience. Judged from this perspective, Carretta has produced a clear, well-researched, and at times quite interesting biography.
The most interesting and successful chapters were the last three, chapters 12 through 14: “Making a Life,” “The Art of the Book,” and “A Self-Made Man.” These chapters are devoted to the years immediately preceding and following the publication of The Interesting Narrative. In this section of the book, Carretta provides some insightful, well-argued, readable, and sometimes quite engrossing analyses of, for instance, the significance of the book’s prefatory material, Equiano’s claims to social status, and the engraving of Equiano that accompanies the book. Carretta quite successfully and engagingly situates his analysis of these issues in relation to relevant social and literary materials outside of the book itself. “The Art of the Book” provides the most detailed argument that Equiano might have fabricated an African birth for rhetorical purposes by a rigorous analysis of the chapter where Equiano makes this claim, an analysis that is bolstered by Carretta’s reading this material alongside contemporaneous accounts of Africa, African history as we now know it, and the rhetorical needs and strategies of the abolitionist movement at large of which Equiano was a crucial part. I found his reading quite compelling. In the final chapter, “A Self-Made Man,” Carretta shows us in clear, readable prose the extent to which Equiano worked to promote his book alongside his work on behalf of the abolitionist movement until his death in 1797.
I will confess that I find biographies guilty pleasures—I enjoy reading them even though I am deeply suspicious of, if not overtly hostile to, the theory of identity on which they rely. Who doesn’t want to believe, after all, in the idea of individual identity on which such narratives depend? Unfortunately, I did not find this book to qualify as especially engaging. Given the fact that most of the information about Equiano’s life comes from the now canonical narrative Equiano wrote, a narrative with which my specialty in British-American writing before 1800 has made me quite familiar, Carretta faces a tough challenge with a reader such as myself (and I suspect a number of his readers will be in some position similar to mine). Add to this the fact that Carretta includes long sections of the Interesting Narrative here, and it is hardly surprising that I found much of the material quite familiar. Nonetheless, I would have expected the story itself to have been more compelling, and somehow Carretta made rather bland the story of a man who escaped slavery to travel around the world, participated himself in the slave trade, produced a book of extraordinary popularity, and participated in one of the major movements that helped change the face of the world in the abolition movement.
I also had certain questions about some key issues raised by Carretta’s narrative. I wondered, for instance, about the amount of agency Carretta grants individuals in the production and/or representation of their subject positions. So, for instance, when he is analyzing Equiano’s writings on Africa, Carretta says, “Equiano chose from the various subject positions available to him the one or ones most appropriate for the particular audience or audiences he is addressing. . . . Skilled rhetoricians know how to shift their positions, that is, how to emphasize different aspects of their identities to best influence and affect their readers or listeners” (256). In making his case for Equiano as a “masterful rhetorician,” Carretta emphasizes Equiano’s conscious intent, his literary choices. The inconsistencies and questions that arise in Equiano’s account of Africa, Carretta suggests, are neither simple mistakes nor flaws in his memory but the result of careful and skillful choices by the author. While I agree that Equiano is an extraordinarily talented writer, the theory Carretta uses above to authorize those skills offers, at best, a rather optimistic vision of individual agency. Equiano may very well have called on various subject positions in his writing of The Interesting Narrative as a way of increasing or focusing the particular rhetorical power of the book. But to claim such absolute power over a writer’s subject position seems flawed and, as a result, can produce a reading that lacks sufficient thoroughness because one simply fails to see the way in which powers outside the author’s control help produce significant aspects of the text. Were this an isolated instance, I suppose I would have overlooked it, but it was my sense that Carretta’s theory of the subject outlined above operates throughout the book as a whole. What I’ll call, for the moment, Equiano’s “racial” status, for instance, is one that, at least at times, he simply cannot chose to occupy or not. This status, in fact, might be said to inform virtually all of the incidents in his narrative, even those times when he explicitly says it does not or when he fails to mention his “racial” status at all. Or even when the documents make no mention of race. So, for instance, Carretta notes that Equiano “offers the merchant marine a vision of an almost utopian, microcosmic alternative to the slavery-infested greater world” (72). This world, Carretta tells us, “was one in which the content of his character mattered more than the color of his complexion” and where the “demands of the seafaring life permitted him to transcend the barriers imposed by what we call race” (72). I want to applaud several aspects of Carretta’s approach here. First of all, he reminds his reader here and elsewhere of the way in which the category of “race” as we understand it originates during the very period of Equiano’s life, rather than simply being a historically transcendent category. Second, I found his effort to read the material without the presupposition that certain kinds of discrimination or mistreatment on the basis of one’s “racial” status were a given—even if they weren’t mentioned—an excellent approach. Third, his careful attention to the specific language used in the documents he consulted in writing Equiano’s biography I found impressive. In other words, Carretta does not assume that racial prejudice exists when it is not noted.
On the other hand, such an approach might very well miss much of the complex cultural work embedded in the language but not explicitly stated. Carretta suggests that Equiano has such an extraordinary memory and is such a skilled rhetorician, that we can be confident he would have found a way to include any racially charged incidents. Their absence, for Carretta, suggests they did not occur and, as a result, that we should see Equiano’s life in the British Navy at various times as being a place in which racial distinctions did not matter. During these periods, it is as if Equiano is, if you’ll forgive me, just a regular Joe—one of the guys. While I am sympathetic to some aspects of the method Carretta seems to use to portray Equiano in this way, I am quite skeptical that this is an accurate way to narrate the story. In the first place, as even Carretta notes, Equiano’s memory of his life abroad the ship might be faulty. In the second place, Equiano, as Carretta so ably demonstrates elsewhere, might have chosen to omit such incidents for rhetorical purposes. As if this were not enough, even if Equiano implies that he was judged entirely on the merits of his work rather than on his racial identity, we do not have to accept his judgment. Even if he was at times treated as “just-another-sailor,” for instance, he becomes special, unusual precisely for this reason. What makes Equiano special is that he is not treated as special.
I also wanted more discussion of the issues surrounding Equiano’s birthplace. Oddly enough, Carretta seems rather reluctant to explore this issue, or even to be especially forceful in making his argument. Indeed, Carretta’s provides enough qualifications that it can hardly be called an argument. He says on more than one occasion that we will never be able to know for certain for his subject was born, and he notes that while he has raised “reasonable doubt” about what Equiano claims about his birth in The Interesting Narrative, “reasonable doubt is not the same as conviction” (xv).
In spite of these qualifications, Carretta shows great analytical skills in his discussion of the possible rhetorical benefit of Equiano’s invention of an African birth. He carefully and insightfully examines the first chapter of the narrative where Equiano discusses Africa, and he situates this chapter in relation to other writings of the time with a power and clarity that are quite impressive. Equiano’s masterful invention of an African birth, Carretta argues, demonstrates that Equiano’s “literary achievements have been vastly underestimated” (xiv). “If nothing else,” Carretta tells us, he “hope[s] that Equiano, the African: Biography of a Self-Made Mandemonstrates how skillful a writer Equiano was” (xv). But surely more is at stake in claiming that Equiano “invented” rather than “reclaimed” an African identity than our evaluation of the literary talents of a particular individual? As I mentioned above, Carretta’s argument for an American birthplace relies heavily on baptismal records and ship’s registers. While he spends about a page demonstrating that the person whom he identifies as Equiano is, in fact, him and, then, explaining that Equiano could very well have listed an African birthplace, he tends to read these documents with less care than he does The Interesting Narrative. To be sure, a baptismal record and a ship’s register represent different kinds of writing than a spiritual autobiography. Nonetheless, they too must be read. So while Carretta rightly points out that other analysts have often treated Equiano’s story in his book as a kind of transparent recollection of his life while considering the baptismal records in need of a thorough reading in order to be properly understood, Carretta reverses this interpretive strategy by taking the documents as having little rhetorical content worth reading.
In addition to reading the “non-literary” materials in a more literary way, I would have liked Carretta to explore more thoroughly the implications of relying on one kind of evidence rather than another. He writes, “[a]nyone who still contends that Equiano’s account of the early years of his life is authentic is obligated to account for the powerful conflicting evidence.” While I suppose this is true, his approach to the problem he has raised left me wanting more. How might the elevation of Equiano’s literary status, I wanted to know, change the way we tell, say, the literary histories of the United States and/or Great Britain? Might the change in birthplace alter the way we tell Transatlantic history more broadly? Or the history of modern race-based slavery? I would have appreciated a more thorough discussion—indeed, any discussion—of the disciplinary and institutional implications of accepting Carretta’s argument or not. Why is it that people have reacted so passionately to the notion that Equiano might have fibbed about where he was born in The Interesting Narrative? What does such debate indicate about the stakes involved in telling the life story of an eighteenth-century slave turned author? Perhaps Carretta failed to include such material because the imagined audience for this book would, in his and/or the publisher’s view, be uninterested in such issues. I think this is untrue. What could be more compelling and current than the question of the implications of where a man whose identity we now call “black” was born? From my view, at least, the problems Carretta’s book raises about Equiano intersect directly with questions and issues I see debated quite frequently as I flip by the Fox News Channel and skim through The New York Times
Image result for Equiano's videos

Friday, 8 May 2015

One last thought about Equiano!

How do you guys think we should remember Olaudah Equiano? Was he a fraud? or an Icon? Feel free to comment!!!???

Thursday, 7 May 2015

Olaudah Equiano and abolition

Olaudah Equiano and abolition

Abolitionist




Equiano used his experiences of slavery to campaign and persuade others to abolish the inhumane trade in African people. He had been captured from Africa and enslaved as a young man. He was intelligent and an astute business man and he eventually worked his way to a position where he purchased his freedom. He worked as a seaman, merchant, and explorer in South America, the Caribbean, the Arctic, the American colonies and Britain. After several years of travels and trading, Equiano came to London and became involved in the abolitionist movement.

more pictures





Equiano’s Cultural Identity

 Equiano may be of particular interest to present-day readers as a person of multiple cultures, shaped by his African heritage, his British education, and his experiences in England and the New World. R To what extent does he represent himself as African or as British? Should his identity within the text be construed as a product of cultural assimilation? Should we see “Equiano” as a false persona used as a rhetorical strategy? Or should we take the figure at face value as a genuine self
This is a video is about equiano and his mission to abolish slavery.


Equiano was an African, who was involved in anti-slavery that is why he was man of the atlantic because he was involved in British anti-slavery campaign.

Olaudah Equiano, Englishness, and the Negotiation of Raced Gender

Jocelyn Stitt
From its initial publication in 1789, the Interesting Narrative of The Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African. Written by Himself caused controversy over the identity of the writer and the politics behind the narrative. One of only six surviving slave narratives written before 1800, the Narrative describes Equiano's enslavement in Africa as a young boy in the 1750s, his employment as a sailor and soldier on British ships, his conversion to Christianity, and his life as a freeman in London and elsewhere, [1] In the June 1789 edition of The Monthly Review, one of the first essays about Equiano's story, the reviewer states, "We entertain no doubt of the general authenticity of this very intelligent African's interesting story; though it is not improbable that some English writer has assisted him in the compliment, or at least, the correction of his book: for it is sufficiently well written" (551). Although generally favorable to the Narrative, the reviewer must reinscribe the boundaries between African and Englishman by implying that no African subject could have written the narrative by himself.
Like The Monthly Review, modern literary critics foreground questions of Equiano's identity, his accommodation of British sensibilities, and his glorification of Christianity. As Robin Sabino and Jennifer Hall succinctly state: "Equiano has been characterized variously as a fraud, a plagiarist, an apologist, a hero, a capitalist, and a guerrilla fighter" (5). Some scholars question the authenticity of Equiano's African roots, while other see manifestations of an Ibo world view and language in his narrative. Some find his acceptance of Christianity and of English superiority distasteful, while others see it as a strategic move of resistance.  [2]
Rather than assuming what the identities invoked in the Narrative signify, I propose questioning the concepts of identity as related in the text. I contend that within recent Equiano scholarship, both Englishness and maleness are "unmarked categories," a term used in feminist theory to denote categories taken to be the norm which do not require explanation. [3] Unmarked categories are constructed through comparison with the non-normative other. I interrogate Englishness and masculinity to explore the identity Equiano so reveres—the English gentleman

Olaudah Equiano, or, Gustavus Vassa, the African

According to his famous autobiography, written in 1789, Olaudah Equiano (c.1745-1797) was born in what is now Nigeria. Kidnapped and sold into slavery in childhood, he was taken as a slave to the New World. As a slave to a captain in the Royal Navy, and later to a Quaker merchant, he eventually earned the price of his own freedom by careful trading and saving. As a seaman, he travelled the world, including the Mediterranean, the Caribbean, the Atlantic, and the Arctic, the latter in an abortive attempt to reach the North Pole. Coming to London, he became involved in the movement to abolish the slave trade, an involvement which led to him writing and publishing The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa the African (1789) a strongly abolitionist autobiography. The book became a bestseller and, as well as furthering the anti-slavery cause, made Equiano a wealthy man. These web pages aim to reflect the best in Equiano scholarship. Click on the links below to find out more, and return to this site soon, as information is regularly updated.

Wednesday, 6 May 2015

P. Edwards on Equiano

Here is an interesting video that gives us Paul Edwards account on what he thinks of Equiano

Olaudah Equiano: The Problem of Identity

Jim Egan
Brown University

When Vincent Carretta argued in “Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa? New Light on Eighteenth-Century Question of Identity” in a 1999 issue of Slavery and Abolition that the eighteenth-century author might have been born in South Carolina rather than Africa, as Equiano himself states in The Interesting Narrative, a scholarly firestorm erupted over the question of this former slave’s place of birth. This is not the first time Equiano’s origins have been questioned. Equiano himself sought to refute claims published in late eighteenth-century English periodicals that he had been born in the West Indies. Such claims were, as Equiano himself knew, aimed at discrediting his narrative and, in the process, the abolition movement with which that narrative was associated. Carretta’s essay, on the other hand, called our attention to evidentiary matters that involve questions of interpretive theory. On what basis, after all, does one determine which instance of writing to consider authoritative when the evidence in these different kinds of sources conflict? Given the fact that Equiano’s narrative plays a crucial role in our understanding of a variety of historical, cultural, and literary issues, and given the fact that where you begin a story helps determine what you can say about that story and what work that story can do, I suppose the furor over Carretta’s claims is only to be expected. After all, is there anyone who would now deny the centrality of the slave trade in all its aspects to the emergence of the modern world? Equiano’s narrative plays a key role in such a narrative, and so his birth takes on special importance.
Equiano, the African: Biography of a Self-Made Man (University of Georgia, 2005) extends Carretta’s research on Equiano’s origins to provide the first scholarly biography in over thirty years of the man known in the Western world for most of his life as Gustavus Vassa. Biographies pose a critical problem for any engaged, thoughtful twenty-first century scholar in that they rely on a notion of identity that has been challenged by a host of critical analyses interrogating the modern emergence of the very idea of the “individual.” Carretta avoids such issues entirely here. Instead, he simply takes modern biographical conventions at face value and uses them to tell the story of Equiano’s life and the development of his distinct and particular identity. Carretta aims, it seems to me, for a more general audience. I want to assess the work, then, in relation to what I take to be his implied audience. Judged from this perspective, Carretta has produced a clear, well-researched, and at times quite interesting biography.
The most interesting and successful chapters were the last three, chapters 12 through 14: “Making a Life,” “The Art of the Book,” and “A Self-Made Man.” These chapters are devoted to the years immediately preceding and following the publication of The Interesting Narrative. In this section of the book, Carretta provides some insightful, well-argued, readable, and sometimes quite engrossing analyses of, for instance, the significance of the book’s prefatory material, Equiano’s claims to social status, and the engraving of Equiano that accompanies the book. Carretta quite successfully and engagingly situates his analysis of these issues in relation to relevant social and literary materials outside of the book itself. “The Art of the Book” provides the most detailed argument that Equiano might have fabricated an African birth for rhetorical purposes by a rigorous analysis of the chapter where Equiano makes this claim, an analysis that is bolstered by Carretta’s reading this material alongside contemporaneous accounts of Africa, African history as we now know it, and the rhetorical needs and strategies of the abolitionist movement at large of which Equiano was a crucial part. I found his reading quite compelling. In the final chapter, “A Self-Made Man,” Carretta shows us in clear, readable prose the extent to which Equiano worked to promote his book alongside his work on behalf of the abolitionist movement until his death in 1797.
I will confess that I find biographies guilty pleasures—I enjoy reading them even though I am deeply suspicious of, if not overtly hostile to, the theory of identity on which they rely. Who doesn’t want to believe, after all, in the idea of individual identity on which such narratives depend? Unfortunately, I did not find this book to qualify as especially engaging. Given the fact that most of the information about Equiano’s life comes from the now canonical narrative Equiano wrote, a narrative with which my specialty in British-American writing before 1800 has made me quite familiar, Carretta faces a tough challenge with a reader such as myself (and I suspect a number of his readers will be in some position similar to mine). Add to this the fact that Carretta includes long sections of the Interesting Narrative here, and it is hardly surprising that I found much of the material quite familiar. Nonetheless, I would have expected the story itself to have been more compelling, and somehow Carretta made rather bland the story of a man who escaped slavery to travel around the world, participated himself in the slave trade, produced a book of extraordinary popularity, and participated in one of the major movements that helped change the face of the world in the abolition movement.
I also had certain questions about some key issues raised by Carretta’s narrative. I wondered, for instance, about the amount of agency Carretta grants individuals in the production and/or representation of their subject positions. So, for instance, when he is analyzing Equiano’s writings on Africa, Carretta says, “Equiano chose from the various subject positions available to him the one or ones most appropriate for the particular audience or audiences he is addressing. . . . Skilled rhetoricians know how to shift their positions, that is, how to emphasize different aspects of their identities to best influence and affect their readers or listeners” (256). In making his case for Equiano as a “masterful rhetorician,” Carretta emphasizes Equiano’s conscious intent, his literary choices. The inconsistencies and questions that arise in Equiano’s account of Africa, Carretta suggests, are neither simple mistakes nor flaws in his memory but the result of careful and skillful choices by the author. While I agree that Equiano is an extraordinarily talented writer, the theory Carretta uses above to authorize those skills offers, at best, a rather optimistic vision of individual agency. Equiano may very well have called on various subject positions in his writing of The Interesting Narrative as a way of increasing or focusing the particular rhetorical power of the book. But to claim such absolute power over a writer’s subject position seems flawed and, as a result, can produce a reading that lacks sufficient thoroughness because one simply fails to see the way in which powers outside the author’s control help produce significant aspects of the text. Were this an isolated instance, I suppose I would have overlooked it, but it was my sense that Carretta’s theory of the subject outlined above operates throughout the book as a whole. What I’ll call, for the moment, Equiano’s “racial” status, for instance, is one that, at least at times, he simply cannot chose to occupy or not. This status, in fact, might be said to inform virtually all of the incidents in his narrative, even those times when he explicitly says it does not or when he fails to mention his “racial” status at all. Or even when the documents make no mention of race. So, for instance, Carretta notes that Equiano “offers the merchant marine a vision of an almost utopian, microcosmic alternative to the slavery-infested greater world” (72). This world, Carretta tells us, “was one in which the content of his character mattered more than the color of his complexion” and where the “demands of the seafaring life permitted him to transcend the barriers imposed by what we call race” (72). I want to applaud several aspects of Carretta’s approach here. First of all, he reminds his reader here and elsewhere of the way in which the category of “race” as we understand it originates during the very period of Equiano’s life, rather than simply being a historically transcendent category. Second, I found his effort to read the material without the presupposition that certain kinds of discrimination or mistreatment on the basis of one’s “racial” status were a given—even if they weren’t mentioned—an excellent approach. Third, his careful attention to the specific language used in the documents he consulted in writing Equiano’s biography I found impressive. In other words, Carretta does not assume that racial prejudice exists when it is not noted.

A Description of Olaudah Equiano's Life


Tuesday, 5 May 2015

Olaudah Equiano and the Eighteenth Century Debate over Africa and the Slave Trade

Olaudah Equiano was a British citizen and former slave who, in the 1780s, became a leader of the movement to abolish the slave trade. His autobiography, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, was first published in London in 1789 and went through nine editions in the next five years. It contributed significantly to turning British public opinion against the slave trade. As the title suggests, Equiano was regarded as an authority on the subject of the slave trade, in large part, because he would that he had been born in Eboe, a province of the kingdom of Benin, in what is now southern Nigeria. He could recall his African childhood and describe the experience of being captured and sold into slavery.
In the 1790s, supporters of the slave trade sought to undermine Equiano’s credibility and the cause of abolition by questioning his claim to African identity and suggesting that he had been born in the West Indies. These arguments were dismissed as politically motivated until recently, when the scholar Vincent Carretta discovered two eighteenth-century documents that indicate that Equiano may indeed have been born in the British colony of South Carolina. Carretta’s discovery has fueled an impassioned and as yet unresolved debate among literary critics and historians about Equiano’s identity and our evaluation of different kinds of historical evidence. The literary critic George Boulukos recently suggested that we reframe this debate by studying Equiano’s narrative within the context of the eighteenth-century British debate on Africa. As Boulukos observes, debates over the slave trade often “hinged on each participant’s understanding of the state of civilization in Africa.” By exploring this debate, we can more fully appreciate the stakes of Equiano’s representation of his African origins and his contribution to the movement to end the slave trade.

Equiano's contributions to the end of slave trade

Olaudah Equiano (c.1745-1797): The Former Slave, Seaman & Writer

Olaudah Equianoy:
Olaudah Equiano, was a former enslaved African, seaman and merchant who wrote an autobiography depicting the horrors of slavery and lobbied Parliament for its abolition. 
In his biography, he records he was born in what is now Nigeria, kidnapped and sold into slavery as a child. He then endured the middle passage on a slave ship bound for the New World. After a short period of time in Barbados, Equiano was shipped to Virginia and put to work weeding grass and gathering stones.
In 1757, he was bought by a naval captain (Captain Pascal) for about £40, who named him Gustavas Vassa. Equiano was about 12 when he first arrived in England. For part of that time he stayed at Blackheath in London with the Guerin family (relatives of Pascal). It is here that Equiano learnt how to read and write and to do arithmetic. However, Equiano spent much of his time at sea, both on warships and trading vessels.
He served Pascal during naval campaigns in Canada and then in the Mediterranean. In 1763, Captain Pascal sold Equiano to Captain James Doran. He was taken to Montserrat and sold to the island's leading merchant Robert King. During the next three years, by trading and saving hard, Equiano was able to save enough money to buy his freedom for £40.
He came to London before returning to sea, working as an able seaman, steward and, once, as acting captain.  He travelled widely, including the Mediterranean, the Atlantic and the Arctic (in an attempt to reach the North Pole, under the command of John Phipps). Returning to London, he came into contact with the anti-slavery campaigner Granville Sharp when his friend, John Annis, was kidnapped by his former owner. Between them they tried to save Annis but were unsuccessful.
In 1775, he travelled to the Caribbean and became involved in setting up a new plantation colony on the coast of Central America. Equiano did everything to comfort and 'render easy' the condition of the enslaved people brought to work on the plantation. Equiano himself was badly mistreated. A slave trader named Hughes tried to enslave him and strung him up with ropes for several hours, but Equiano managed to escape in a canoe.
He returned to London and worked as a servant for a while, before finding employment with the Sierra Leone resettlement project, which was set up to provide a safe place for freed Slaves to live and work. He also formed the ‘Sons of Africa', a group which campaigned for abolition through public speaking, letter writing and lobbying parliament. In 1788, Olaudah Equiano led a delegation to the House of Commons to support William Dolben's bill to improve conditions on slave ships, by limiting the number of enslaved Africans that ships could carry.
Equiano knew that one of the most powerful arguments against slavery was his own life story. He published his autobiography in 1789: The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano. It became a bestseller and was translated into many languages. 
The book began with a petition addressed to Parliament and ended with his antislavery letter to the Queen. The tens of thousands of people who read Equiano's book, or heard him speak, started to see slavery through the eyes of a former enslaved African.  It was a very important book that made a vital contribution to the abolitionists' cause.
Equiano worked hard to promote the book. He went on lecture tours around Britain and Ireland and spent much of the 1790s campaigning against slavery. He was helped by abolitionist friends, such as Thomas Clarkson, who recommended his book and wrote letters of introduction. You can see one of the letters of introduction (written in 1789) in the source materials. He visited Birmingham in 1789 and Manchester, Nottingham, Sheffield and Cambridge in 1790. In 1791, he toured Ireland. Equiano spoke at a large number of public meetings, where he described the cruelty of the Slave Trade. The following letter was written by Equiano in 1792:
"Sir, I went to Ireland and was there eight and a half months and sold 1900 copies of my narrative. I came here on the 10th and I now mean to leave London in about 8 or 10 days and to take me a wife (one Miss Cullen) of Soham in Cambridgeshire. When I have given her about 8 or 10 days comfort, I mean directly to go to Scotland - and sell my 5th. Editions. I trust that my going has been of much use to the cause of Abolition of the accursed Slave Trade. A gentleman of the Committee, the Revd. Dr. Baker, has said that I am more use to the cause than half the people in the country - I wish to God, I could be so."
In 1792, Equiano married Susan Cullen, from Ely, at Soham church.  After his marriage, Equiano visited Scotland, Durham and Hull. In 1793, his travels took him to Bath and Devizes. These travels turned the public against the Slave Trade, raising awareness of the horrors of the trade, changing attitudes towards enslaved people and inspiring others to join the abolition campaign.
Equiano died in March 1797. The Slave Trade in Britain was not to end until nearly a decade later. It would be forty years before slavery itself was abolished in the British Colonies.
Hear extracts from Olaudah Equiano autobiograph
from this article that is being provided. i'm trying to decided whether which evidence or rather say argument that is powerful enough to actually make a judgement whether Equiano's birth is africa or not. allow me to welcome you to comment regarding the arguments from both sides about Equiano's birth place

African or American? Whats your take?


Where Was Olaudah Equiano Born?

(And Why Does It Matter?)

Equiano's autobiography, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, published in 1789, is important for many reasons. It is one of the very few texts written in English by a person of African descent during the eighteenth century. It is also one of the first accounts of a journey up from slavery written by one who had personally experienced enslavement. This makes it one of the earliest 'slave narratives'. But is more than merely an account of what it was like to be a slave. In the book, Equiano gives a long and detailed description of life in an African village - the earliest such description in the English language - as well as offering a first-person account of 'the middle passage' - the journey from Africa to America in a slave ship. These were all important parts of a book that appeared in 1789; the year in which the British parliament first seriously debated abolishing the slave trade. (Indeed, we can see The Interesting Narrative as a document of that debate.) Yet they are also significant to this day. Equiano's description of African society is the most important written by an African in the days before European empires severely disrupted African society. And Equiano's description of the middle passage is a reminder of the sufferings of the ancestors of most African American and Black British people alive today. In 1999, however, it was suggested by Vincent Carretta that Equiano may not have been born in Africa but, rather, as a slave in South Carolina. - at that time one of the thirteen British colonies in North America. In addition, Carretta argues that the early parts of Equiano's autobiography, rather than recording first-hand experience, may reflect the oral history of other slaves, combined with information Equiano gleaned from books he had read about Africa. Carretta's evidence, a baptismal record and a muster roll, is compelling. It strongly suggests that the young Equiano told people that his birthplace was South Carolina. Yet this evidence doesn't seem to be quite enough to settle the matter, and historians and critics are divided on the question. On this page, I offer (I hope) both sides of the argument, and leave it to you to make your own mind up. In the column on the left, I have put arguments to suport the view that Equiano was born in Carolina. In the column to the right, I have put arguments to suggest that he was born in Africa.  

1. Written Evidence
Arguments that Equiano was born in Carolina
Arguments that Equiano was born in Africa
  • Equiano's baptismal record at St Margaret’s Church, Westminster, dated 9 February 1759, records that he was born in 'Carolina'.
  • A Royal Navy muster roll from Constantine Phipp’s Arctic expedition of 1773 says that Equiano was born in 'South Carolina'.
  • In both cases, the information almost certainly came from Equiano himself
  • Equiano's own autobiography, The Interesting Narrative, tells us that he was born in Africa
  • This information comes from Equiano himself
2. Circumstantial Biographical Evidence
Arguments that Equiano was born in Carolina
Arguments that Equiano was born in Africa
  • Equiano gets the dates wrong about the ships in which he was brought from America to England which would be consistent with him having made the story up
  • Equiano's account of his life is usually very accurate when it can be checked against independent sources, making it surprising that his account of his first ten years can be shown to be inaccurate in parts
  • Equiano never used the name "Equiano" before publishing his autobiography. All his friends and acquaintances knew him by the name "Gustavus Vassa". He probably made up the name "Olaudah Equiano" as part of the careful construction of an African persona he carried out in 1789
  • Although Equiano gets the dates wrong about the ships in which he was brought from America to England, he was a very young child at the time, and suffering a severe trauma, so it is reasonable to assume that his memory might sometimes be at fault
  • Equiano's account of his life is usually very accurate when it can be checked against independent sources, showing that it was his usual practice to tell the truth as far as he could remember
  • Although Equiano never used his birth name before 1789, this was not unusual. Few slaves or former slaves used their African names. Equiano's friend Quobna Ottobah Cugoano, for example, used his slave name of John Stuart throughout his life, except on the title page of his book (1787)
3. Equiano's Motivation
Arguments that Equiano was born in Carolina
Arguments that Equiano was born in Africa
  • Equiano's main motivation was to end the slave trade, so he would write or say anything in his published work that he thought he could get away with, as long as it brought the abolition of the slave trade closer
  • Equiano had nothing to hide in his early life, so he told the truth about his birthplace to the church clerk at his baptism and to the naval officer who compiled the muster roll in which he gave his birthplace as South Carolina
  • Equiano's main motivation was to end the slave trade, so he would be very careful to tell the truth in his published work and not write or say anything that might bring him or his campaign into disrepute
  • Equiano had been abducted and enslaved and thus wished to hide his true identity by lying about his birthplace to the church clerk at his baptism and to the naval officer who compiled the muster roll in which he gave his birthplace as South Carolina
4. Close Reading of the Text
Arguments that Equiano was born in Carolina
Arguments that Equiano was born in Africa
  • Much of the early part of The Interesting Narrative, in which Equiano describes Africa and the middle passage, closely resembles similar accounts made by European or American authors, for example, by Anthony Benezet. Equiano probably invented his African childhood, and copied information out of books such as these
  • The parts of The Interesting Narrative that describe Africa and the middle passage have a mythological style that makes them unreliable as history
  • Much of the early part of The Interesting Narrative, in which Equiano describes Africa and the middle passage, closely resembles similar accounts made by European or American authors, for example, by Anthony Benezet. Yet Equiano references many of these works, and consulted them in order to help him remember the details of a distant childhood
  • The parts of The Interesting Narrative that describe Africa and the middle passage are good examples of clear reportage that deserve to be taken seriously
5. Contemporary Expectations
Arguments that Equiano was born in Carolina
Arguments that Equiano was born in Africa
  • Readers in the eighteenth century were not fools, and demanded the same high level of honesty and veracity that we would now expect. However, Equiano knew that it would be very difficult for his readers to check the truth, or otherwise, of his account.
  • In the late eighteenth century, there were more poems, plays, and novels written against slavery than there were 'serious' political tracts. Readers would thus have been more interested in hearing general truths about slavery than particular histories, and so wouldn't have cared so much about whether the details of Equiano's story were true
  • Readers in the eighteenth century were not fools, and demanded the same high level of honesty and veracity that we would now expect. Thus, Equiano would not have tried to get away with telling a lie about his African origins - somebody, somewhere, would have known the truth
  • In the late eighteenth century, there were more poems, plays, and novels written against slavery than there were 'serious' political tracts. Equiano would have known that, to be taken seriously, he had to appear as more than just a writer of fiction, but as someone who was telling the whole truth
6. The Realities of Equiano's Life
Arguments that Equiano was born in Carolina
Arguments that Equiano was born in Africa
  • Even though Equiano was born in Carolina, he was a long way from home and, by the 1780s, could get away with saying anything he liked about his past, particularly since communications between England and America had been disrupted in the war of 1775-1783.
  • When Equiano was asked for his place of birth during his childhood baptism, he may not have had at that time a sufficient mastery of the English language to understand the question. (For example, if he had been asked 'where are you from', he may have understood it as 'where have you recently come from'.) However, if this was the case, there is no reason why, as an adult and a fluent English speaker, he would continue to say that he had been born in Carolina, as he later did when joining Constantine Phipp’s Arctic expedition of 1773.
  • Despite the war, links between England and America were still close. Had he been lying, sooner or later someone in America would have detected his falsehood, particularly after his book was published in New York in 1791.
  • Equiano knew that the most intensive search would be made by proslavery campaigners to discredit him. Therefore, he would not have attempted to invent a new identity and birthplace.
  • When Equiano was asked for his place of birth during his childhood baptism, he may not have had at that time a sufficient mastery of the English language to understand the question. (For example, if he had been asked 'where are you from', he may have understood it as 'where have you recently come from'.) Once the mistake was in writing on his baptismal record, he might have chosen to simply accept the error as unimportant.
7. Equiano's Psychological State
Arguments that Equiano was born in Carolina
Arguments that Equiano was born in Africa
  • As a terrified and traumatised child, the young Equiano would have been too afraid to tell anything other than the truth when asked for his place of birth at his baptism ceremony.
  • As a terrified and traumatised child, the young Equiano may have been too afraid to tell the truth when asked for his place of birth at his baptism ceremony.
  • Many children, especially traumatised children, invent stories to explain their origins. Many such people come to terms with their trauma in later life. This might explain why Equiano tells one story when younger, and another when older.
8. The Bottom Line
The bottom line is that we just don't know. As the above table shows, there is evidence on both sides of the debate. Just about the only thing we can say for certain is that, when he was younger, Equiano told people he was from Carolina, but when he was older, he told people he was from Africa. Whether you believe the younger Equiano or the older Equiano is entirely up to you...
 
These are just some of the arguments in favour of, and against, the proposition that Equiano was born in South Carolina and not Africa. I have explored these arguments in more depth in an article published in 2008 in the journal 1650-1850:
You may also like to look in the Equiano Bibliography for further reading. Carretta's original arguments can be found in the academic journal Slavery and Abolition, in the introduction to his second edition of The Interesting Narrative, and in his biography of Equiano. See:
  • Vincent Carretta, Equiano, the African: Biography of a Self Made Man (University of Georgia Press, 2005).
  • Vincent Carretta, 'Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa? New Light on an Eighteenth-century Question of Identity', Slavery and Abolition, 20, 3 (December 1999), 96-105
  • Vincent Carretta, 'Introduction' in The Interesting Narrative and Other Writings, edited with an introduction and notes by Vincent Carretta (London and New York: Penguin, 2003), pp. x-xi.

Katalin Orban's take on Equiano's memory

Many historian over the years have discarded Equiano's memory as suggest that it is based on nothing but fiction... but is it really???